By Tony Smith
The energy and status of democracy around the globe on the finish of the 20 th century are due in sturdy degree to the impression of the United States on foreign affairs, argues Tony Smith. right here for the 1st time is a ebook that files the extreme heritage of yankee international coverage with appreciate to the merchandising of democracy around the world, an attempt whose maximum triumph got here within the occupations of Japan and Germany yet whose setbacks contain interventions in Latin the United States and Vietnam.
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Extra info for America's Mission: The United States and the Worldwide Struggle for Democracy in the Twentieth Century
Other alternatives included returning the islands to Spain after that country’s defeat, but that was unthinkable given the hue and cry that had been Democracy in the Philippines ⅐ 41 raised against Spanish despotism in order to get the United States into war in the first place. The islands could be left to themselves, but Senator Henry Cabot Lodge warned that if that happened they would become “like Haiti or Santo Domingo . . with no Monroe Doctrine to prevent other nations from interfering”—by which he meant either Germany or Japan.
Accordingly, a fundamental divide in American political life is between liberals who borrow from socialist thinking the call for socioeconomic change that directly benefits the politically marginalized (although clearly there may be serious disputes over the nature of these reforms, and these debates have always been timid by socialist standards) and those who feel that reforms in political organization are enough in themselves (either because the state should not be given too much power or because market forces more effectively assure prosperity than state interventions in the economy).
It had to do, not simply with emancipated slaves and poor whites, but also with the property of Southern planters. It was a government guardianship for the relief and guidance of white and black labor from a feudal agrarianism to modern farming and industry . . 21 By the amnesties he began to grant in May 1865, President Johnson nullified these transfers of property, and later in the year the Congress refused to consider proposals to expropriate Confederate plantations for the benefit of the freedmen.